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Сучасна Україна

Тейлор В. Шифрограма у держдепартамент США після зустрічі з донецькими олігархами С.Тарутою і В.Гайдуком / Wikileaks

(13 вересня 2007 р.)


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Reference IDCreatedReleasedClassificationOrigin
07KYIV22862007-09-13 10:052011-08-30 01:44CONFIDENTIALEmbassy Kyiv

	DE RUEHKV #2286/01 2561005
	P 131005Z SEP 07
	C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 KYIV 002286 
	E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/13/2017 
	KYIV 00002286  001.2 OF 003 
	Classified By: Ambassador for reasons 1.4(b,d). 
	1. (C) Summary. In a marathon three-hour meeting, reclusive 
	Industrial Union Donbas (IUD) owner Serhiy Taruta and his 
	more politically-active partner Vitaliy Haiduk gave the 
	Ambassador their views on the elections, Regions party 
	leaders, and the current gas deal with Russia, especially 
	their concerns over shady middleman RosUkrEnergo.  Taruta has 
	tried to stay out of politics and focus on running the 
	business, while Haiduk has drifted between government 
	positions and IUD.   (Note. They were recently ranked 6 and 7 
	on Korrespondent's richest men in Ukraine issue, with about 
	$1.7 billion each.  End note.)  Both made their money in 
	1990s Donetsk, and Taruta and Regions oligarch Rinat Akhmetov 
	were once close business allies.  Even though IUD and Systems 
	Capital Management have gone their separate ways, Taruta and 
	Haiduk have insights into the Party of Regions's leadership 
	that few others have.  End summary. 
	Politics: Not My Cup of Tea 
	2. (C) During an August 6 meeting, Taruta told the Ambassador 
	that he is not involved in politics, although it is hard to 
	avoid it sometimes.  He added that the June 1 amendments to 
	the election law increased the mix of business and politics, 
	what he termed "a very dangerous merger," and characterized 
	the influence of money on changes in the country as 
	substantial.  He said that was the problem of having no 
	political party culture.  Some of the MPs currently in the 
	Rada were of such low quality, he said, that if they were in 
	another parliament, their parties would be discredited by now. 
	Donetsk Clan: Then and Now 
	3. (C) Taruta provided a detailed history of the Donetsk clan 
	and the relations between key Regions figures.  He said that 
	he had worked for ten years as director of sales at the steel 
	plant in Mariupol when Haiduk invited him to Donetsk city to 
	get involved in a gas project stemming from the non-payment 
	crisis with Central Asia and Russia in the mid-1990s.  The 
	end result of this partnership was IUD, which was involved in 
	the gas trade for eight years -- at its peak, they made up to 
	$1 billion of gas/year in credits, equal to Donetsk's total 
	gas consumption. 
	4. (C) According to Taruta, Akhmetov personally convinced 
	President Kuchma to appoint Yanukovych governor of Donetsk in 
	¶1997.  In those days, Akhmetov was very different -- he was 
	totally private with no public persona, and was trying to 
	find ways to deal with his "difficult past."  At the time, 
	there was a unique relationship between business and 
	government in Donetsk -- business funded regional and local 
	government salaries, the government developed oblast 
	infrastructure and economics, and they got good results. 
	Haiduk and Andriy Klyuyev were both working under Yanukovych 
	as deputy governors.  Then Klyuyev provoked a change in the 
	relationship by making Yanukovych his business partner, so he 
	would get preferences.  Taruta did not know if they were 
	still business partners, but said they have a special 
	5. (C) Taruta described Klyuyev as different from the others 
	from Donetsk.  He was in a different business, which was 
	relatively well-run and honest.  (Note. Klyuyev has interests 
	in ball bearings and electricity distribution, whereas most 
	Donetsk business made their money in metals and/or coal.  End 
	note.)  Taruta thought Klyuyev was smart enough to implement 
	reforms.  Unfortunately, he had learned early that he could 
	make money from holding a senior position, now he was abusing 
	his office for self-enrichment.  For example, according to 
	Taruta, Klyuyev was smuggling huge amounts of chicken through 
	a Special Economic Zone.  Taruta thought Yanukovych might be 
	getting a taste of the chicken smuggling as well, although he 
	wasn't sure.  Taruta said that Klyuyev knows that the 
	RosUkrEnergo deal was bad -- that's why he has a conflict 
	with Energy Minister Boyko.  If Boyko wins and RUE stays in 
	the gas business, it means that Yanukovych now depends more 
	on Boyko, financially and politically.  Haiduk said Klyuyev 
	sold his energy business to Akhmetov. 
	6. (C) Taruta believed that Akhmetov and Kolesnikov might 
	have a different mindset -- they were younger and therefore, 
	they lacked the experience of working in Soviet production. 
	Regardless of whether they are interested in EU accession, in 
	Taruta's view, both want liberal economic policies.  They 
	would have liked to do business in the Yeltsin-era Russia, 
	but they can't operate in today's Russia, so they have no 
	interest in a pro-Russian policy. 
	KYIV 00002286  002.2 OF 003 
	7. (C) In contrast, Azarov is from the generation of 
	soviet-era administrators and red directors, like Kuchma. 
	Taruta said that Azarov and his generation don't know how to 
	formulate economic policies that are different from what they 
	grew up with.  They want to concentrate resources and divide 
	them up among themselves.  Yanukovych is also from this 
	latter system - a Communist Party apparatchik who prefers 
	centralized authority.  He knows if he gives a little here, 
	he can take a little there.  Azarov fulfills important 
	functions well -- he knows how to create an effective 
	government machine, first the State Tax Authority, and now 
	the general fiscal system.  How he uses his government 
	machine is another question, but he gets the job done.  In 
	summing up, Taruta dismissed the whole Donetsk-Regions group, 
	saying "they're all looters." 
	2006 Gas Deal: Bad News for Ukraine 
	8. (C) Taruta said that the 2006 gas deal that the Yushchenko 
	administration signed with Moscow is one of few issues that 
	really riles him up because it was so absolutely contrary to 
	Ukraine's interests and criminal in nature.  Taruta said 
	Ukraine was losing $3 billion/year from the 2006 gas deal. 
	Yushchenko had inherited the bad gas situation -- Kuchma 
	created it after relations with West soured and he turned to 
	Russia, but Yushchenko has not been able to fix it.  Taruta 
	thought Yanukovych was not interested in a transparent gas 
	9. (SBU) Note. On January 4, 2006, Ukraine's state oil and 
	gas company NaftoHaz signed a deal with Gazprom in the 
	aftermath of Russia's brief shut-off of gas supplies.  The 
	deal raised Ukraine's wholesale price from $50/billion cubic 
	meters (bcm) to $95 for 2006, fixed Ukrainian gas transit 
	rates for five years, and made RosUkrEnergo (ostensibly owned 
	half by Gazprom and half by two Ukrainians, Dmytro Firtash 
	and Ivan Firsun) Ukraine's counter-party.  In addition, the 
	deal created UkrHazEnergo, a joint venture between RUE and 
	NaftoHaz, to market imported gas to industrial users.  The 
	deal remains in effect although the price of gas rose to $130 
	in 2007.    End note. 
	10. (C) There were three reasons, Taruta argued, why the deal 
	was still in force.  To begin with, the agreement was upheld 
	in court --  IUD went to court in 2006 to argue that gas deal 
	did not meet international standards, but lost.  In addition, 
	although Russia has no alternative transit capacity for at 
	least six to eight more years, Moscow scared the Ukrainian 
	population, government, and Yushchenko himself by showing 
	that it could cut supplies for a long time.  In reality, 
	according to Taruta, it wouldn't have been possible to shut 
	off the supply for more than a day.  Finally, Russia has no 
	alternative buyer other than Europe so the gas will continue 
	to flow west through Ukraine. 
	11. (C) Taruta believed a pro-Ukrainian, pro-European 
	government in Kyiv could resolve gas problem at the 
	presidential level by finding a compromise between $50/tcm 
	and $130/tcm, back somewhere around the $90-$95/tcm that 
	Ukraine paid in 2006.  Then the price could rise gradually 
	over five to six years, finally reaching European levels 
	minus the difference in transit costs.  If President needed 
	leverage in new negotiations with Moscow, he should take the 
	case to a Western court and argue that the Russians abrogated 
	a binding contract in 2006 by insisting on the new deal. 
	(Comment:  Several, including former PM Tymoshenko, have 
	argued Ukraine should take the Russians to court and 
	re-instate the pre-2006 pricing.  However, others in the GOU 
	at the time, who had access to the details of the agreements, 
	argued to us that Ukraine's chances in court would not be 
	good.  End Comment.) 
	12. (C) In the interim, in Taruta's view, industries should 
	switch to energy-saving technologies.  For example, Ukraine 
	could save 6 bcm of internal reserves in its gas transit 
	system by replacing gas-fired compressors with electric ones. 
	The metals sector alone, Taruta argued, could save 2 bcm a 
	year; for example, Alchevsk steel plant moved away from gas 
	and electricity consumption in the last two years, its 
	production is greater than Kryvoryzhstal. 
	13. (C) Taruta said he had shared his views with Lyovochkin, 
	but the PM's Chief of Staff replied that if they didn't 
	steal, someone else will, so why bother to fix the problem. 
	Taruta thought every government was worse than the last one 
	in this regard -- before, at least Ministers were scared of 
	being punished, now they are confident in their impunity. 
	KYIV 00002286  003.2 OF 003 
	RUE is Problem that No one Wants to Tackle 
	14. (C) Taruta said that everyone knows who is behind shady 
	has middleman RosUkrEnergo (RUE) and that there was blame on 
	both sides.  On the Prime Minister's team, PM Chief of Staff 
	Serhiy Lyovochkin managed the RUE deal for the Ukrainian 
	government, while Energy Minister Yuiry Boyko was the point 
	of contact for Moscow.  On the President's side, Taruta 
	believed that Yushchenko had helped with the deal, but was 
	not personally corrupt; however, his brother Petro and 
	adviser Oleksandr Tretyakov were.  In addition, both he and 
	Haiduk had heard Firtash was now meeting regularly with 
	Yushchenko.  Haiduk chimed in that Deputy Prime Minister 
	Medvedev runs the RUE deal from the Russian side, making him 
	the Kremlin's link to Yanukovych. 
	15. (C) In response to the Ambassador's question of who could 
	tackle RUE, Taruta was very complimentary of Tymoshenko as 
	the only politician who might be able to do so.  At least she 
	had tried when she was PM.  Haiduk had tried when he was 
	running the NSDC, but got sidetracked by other issues.  At 
	heart, Yushchenko wants a new gas deal and might be able to 
	do so if he had a new PM to work with.  However, such an 
	effort would face resistance.  Big enterprises know gas 
	prices will go up, but some don't have the money or 
	understanding to change technology.  In addition, any rise in 
	household gas prices is politically sensitive and anyone who 
	wants to run for president in 2009 knows that he or she can 
	not be tagged as the person who increased gas prices. 
	16. (C) Haiduk added that he thought Yushchenko will not try 
	to tackle RUE.  He had been in two bilateral meetings between 
	Yushchenko and Putin, and Yushchenko never raised it.  In 
	addition, the Presidential Secretariat is out of the game 
	right now and no one in Russia will talk to NSDC Secretary 
	Plyushch.  Haiduk also warned that Firtash may 
	change his scheme again soon anyway and find a new agent for 
	gas deals. 
	Haiduk's Political Predictions 
	17. (C) After Taruta departed for a press conference, Haiduk 
	offered his own thoughts on the current political situation. 
	Regions will do well in the September 30 elections, and 
	Tymoshenko will not get enough votes on her own to form the 
	majority.  He thought Our Ukraine was not aiming to increase 
	its support in the center and east, just trying to get back 
	votes they lost to Tymoshenko in 2006, with the help of 
	foreign consultants. 
	18. (C) Haiduk said that he believed that if Tymoshenko and 
	OU got enough seats, they would form the majority. 
	Tymoshenko would become PM in exchange for backing Yushchenko 
	in the 2009 presidential election.  If that arrangement 
	failed, Yushchenko would try a coalition with Regions, but it 
	would not work out well for the President.  A broad coalition 
	would not help Yushchenko's standing in the east, but it 
	would hurt him in the west, and he would lose to Tymoshenko 
	in 2009. In Haiduk's view, there was no good combination of 
	political forces for the country.  A broad coalition was 
	nonsense because polarization in politics between the east 
	and west is too strong. 
	What the Partners Are Up To 
	19. (C) Haiduk and Taruta said they had reached the stage 
	where they are not involved in day-to-day management of IUD, 
	which frees them to work on other projects.  Haiduk said he 
	had bought into a new institute of international management 
	in order to give MBAs to Ukrainians.  He also wanted to get 
	involved in the health care industry.  Taruta said IUD just 
	bought shares in a steel plant in the U.S. (Note:  As part of 
	the deal, IUD will supply steel billets to the U.S. mill.) 
	He also mentioned that IUD is part-owner of the new Hyatt in 
	Kyiv, into which they had invested $80 million. 
	20. (U) Visit Embassy Kyiv's classified website: 


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